issues to be resolved: the purposes or principles of the security arrangements; the role of the local States, regional organizations, and the international community; and in the aftermath of the war, the military requirements until local stability is achieved, and thereafter.

        I think we would find already a wide measure of agreement on the principles. They would include:

        These principles must be put into action first and foremost by the local states so that conflicts can be prevented and aggression deterred. We would expect the States of the Gulf and regional organizations; such as the Gulf Cooperation Council to take the lead in building a reinforcing network of new and strengthened security ties. No regional state should be excluded from these arrangements. Post-war Iraq could have an important contribution to play. And so could Iran as a major power in the Gulf.

        There is a role, too, for outside nations and the international community, including the United Nations, to encourage such arrangements and to stand behind them.

        As for the United States, we have deployed small naval forces in the Persian Gulf ever since the Truman Administration in 1949. We had and continue to have very strong bilateral ties with Saudi Arabia and other local states. And through the years, we have conducted joint exercises with and provided military equipment for our friends in the region. The President has said we have no intention of maintaining a permanent ground presence on the Arabian Peninsula once Iraq is ejected from Kuwait and the threat recedes.

        Before security is assured, however, important questions must be answered. We will be going through an important transitional phase in the immediate aftermath of the war as we try to establish stability. Let me list just a few of the questions that need to be answered.

        Should there be a permanent, locally stationed ground force made up of local troops under UN auspices or under regional auspices, such as the GCC?

        How can the international community reinforce deterrence in the Gulf, whether by contributing forces or through other political arrangements, such as resolutions or security commitments?

        No one has the answers yet to these and other questions. Some may never be answered. But however we eventually proceed, we will conduct extensive consultations among all of the concerned parties to such arrangements.

        A second challenge will surely be regional arms proliferation and control. This includes both conventional weapons and weapons of mass destruction. The terrible fact is that even the conventional arsenals of several Middle Eastern states dwarf those of most European powers. Five Middle Eastern countries have more main battle tanks than the United Kingdom or France. The time has come to try to change the destructive pattern of military competition and

<4>